The study covered four major areas of concern: determinants of vote;
views on election laws and procedure; attitude towards malpractices
and fraud and proposals for electoral reforms.
The following reflect the conclusions of the study based on the findings
derived from the four instruments used in the one-year psychographic
study; i.e., quantitative field research covering 1,156 respondents;
library research; in-depth and focused interviews of principal actors
and gate keepers in the electoral arena and 4 case studies on politicians
strongly supported and/or endorsed by people's and non-governmental
organizations (POs/NGOs) who either won or lost in the 1995 polls.
Determinants of Votes
The first area of the study involved a set of questions (eighteen
in all) asked the respondents to find out what were the major considerations
that determined their voting behavior. The respondents were asked
the following questions: what characteristics do you look for in a
politician? What factors influence your vote?
What other considerations do you take into account when you vote?
Factor analysis was used and the findings showed the most important
factor that determines the Filipino vote is the candidate's
public image which the voters may easily identify with.
Pagiging artista, sikat o popular, mahusay magtalumpati, nagbabahay-bahay
sa panahon ng kampanya connotes a particular image of a public
figure, like a movie idol, with which the voters identify.
This factor falls outside the realm of the patron-client framework.
The candidate's public image, as defined by media does not depend
on what the landlord tells his tenants in an hacienda before elections.
Neither does this depend what the political warlord tells the clan
and the entire community under his armed rule. Nor does this rely
on traditional political networks, the family or the church.
On the other hand, the second factor reflects the traditional influence
of the patron-client relationship where church, community leaders,
organization and family were decisive in the choices made by the voter,
as it relied on the endorsement
of traditional network and organizations.
The third cluster of considerations reflects how the Filipino voter
saw the candidate in relation to what should benefit him directly.
And this could easily reflect the importance of the house-to-house
campaign where the candidate is able to convince the voter of what
benefit he could get out of voting for the candidate. Madaling
lapitan, matulungin sa mga nangangailangan, malinis na pagkatao
are characteristics
that can be of benefit to the voter.
The fourth cluster of considerations was the least priority for
the voter; i.e.,
the party and its platform or program of governance.
Administration or alternative programs were seen by voters at the
same level.
Significance:
The first factor goes out of the of the patron-client frame, indicating
an independent factor that increasingly influences the voter outside
the parameters of patron-client influence.
This is significant because it is a step outside the traditional
ties between patron and client, traditionally founded on an unequal
arrangement where the latter is dependent on the former's bounty and
good will which he repays through labor.
Secondly, it shows us where media and all other opinion-making institutions
are increasingly becoming a source
of power that can be manipulated either for or against
the democratic well-being of the electorate.
The role of government and the Commission on Elections (COMELEC)
is decisive in this case. Given the fact that it is government and
the COMELEC, as constitutionally mandated, have the structures and
resources of power regarding the entire electoral system, it is incumbent
on them to provide policy direction that is favorable to the political
well-being of the electorate.
While government and the COMELEC are accountable to the entire electoral
system and its constituency, the findings are a challenge to media,
to the church, to the academic community and to all other social and
political institutes involved with politics and elections.
Yet, the final decision of the voter cannot be limited to the
relative weight of each of the four cluster of considerations mentioned
above when one considers the factor of money that has traditionally
and continues to enter into play before the voter enters the polling
place to vote for his candidate.
The following findings and conclusions shall deal with this dimension
of the Filipino voter's electoral life. It shall first look into the
findings and conclusions regarding the voter's extent of knowledge
and understanding of the election laws and procedure as traditionally
handed down to her/him by government and the COMELEC.
pages
1 | 2
| 3
