EDSA II reflects the full-blown development of civil society participation
in governance. This was only in germinal stage in EDSA I. It is bringing
a new wind of change in the political landscape hitherto dominated
by traditional politics. It is a political wind being sustained from
below and fanned by unremitting media exposure of malgovernance and
corruption in high places. Of course, it is still in its maturing
stage and its full potential has not yet been realized. However, it
cannot anymore be ignored and succeeding electoral exercises will
increasingly reflect its influence as the EDSA II generation enters
the political stage, either as voters or as candidates.
The advent of mass democratization of mainstream politics opens
the door for ending of the existing internal conflicts and the participation
of armed opposition in the electoral arena. The Left in Philippine
politics is expected to be the beneficiary of this development. In
fact, it is noteworthy that virtually all the Left groups are participating
in the 2001 party-list elections.
New, grassroots-based politics face formidable odds from traditional
politics in the latter’s command of resources, electoral machinery,
military connections, and network of ward leaders. However, these
are obstacles that have been demonstrated time and again to be surmountable.
EDSA II has blown wide open the door for the further democratization
of Philippine society and politics. A window of opportunity for modernizing
Philippine politics to be attuned to the challenges of globalization
is now open.
Constitutional reforms promise to bridge the gap between the mandate
of EDSA II and actual reforms in society. It will do so by strengthening
the progressive provisions in the constitution and plugging loopholes
brought about by compromises in 1987.
The people must be convinced of constitutional change from their
own perspective. A national debate and discussion on issues of national
policy and direction is therefore in order. This national consensus-building
should cover all significant political forces and sectors. The results
can then be funneled into a national constitutional agenda that will
be the basis for the work of a constitutional convention.
According to the result of the IPER study, the people want to participate
at every stage of the constitution-making process. A parallel process
of consultation should therefore be a part of the work of the constitutional
convention.
Without people’s participation and agreement, any initiative
for constitutional change is doomed to failure. On the other hand,
without constitutional reforms, our current democracy will remain
fragile and may not be able to withstand the pressures of the modern
world.
The great constitutionalist Claro Mayo Recto once said, “…the
Constitution is not, and should not be, an idol under strict taboos.
It is not, and should not be, a strait-jacket for the growing and
developing nation which it was made to serve. The Constitution itself
outlines the procedure for its own amendment, and it thus expressly
devoted to the principle that it is neither inviolable nor permanent,
but a working instrument to secure the general welfare of the people.”
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