The Problem of Political
Instability and Credible Governance
Good governance, to a great extent, relies on having government
leaders with integrity, competence, and rapport with the people,
particularly at the grassroots level. Nowhere is this truer than
in the Philippines where the afore-cited historic upheavals centered
on the quality of top leadership in government and states as well
as on the demand for a broader participation of people in democratic
governance.
Stability of the political environment is crucial to sustainable
development. In turn, this stability relies on the broad participation
of the people in governance and the quality of governance itself.
The full expression of the human right of suffrage is a key link
in achieving both of these requirements.
It is instructive that electoral contests in the Philippines have
precipitated major social and political upheavals. It is also a
major factor in the persistence of rebellion of the communists and
the Moro people. The credibility of national leadership and the
perceived elite political monopoly always had been issues in these
rebellions. Invariably, rebellion demands normally include some
form of political accommodation such as autonomy rule or a democratic
coalition government. 1
Indeed democracy, or more precisely a broad and pluralist democracy,
has the capability for resolving conflicts in society. In its handbook
on conflict resolution, the International IDEA defined the relationship
thus:
“Democracy is a system by which conflicts in society
are allowed to formulate, find expression and be managed in a sustainable
way, via institutional outlets such as political parties or representative
parliaments…” 2
EDSA 1986 postulated the broadest participation of people in the
post-dictatorial regime. There was great expectation for basic social
reforms given the popular nature of the Aquino government. Former
Ambassador Narciso G. Reyes stated it bluntly:
“The time for cosmetic reforms is past. There should
not be a change of exploiters but an end to exploitation of the
people… I believe that the unstated goal of People Power Revolution
was not a mere change of regimes but rather a systemic change, a
real social transformation." 3
Post-EDSA Philippines institutionalized the democratic forms such
as the passage of a constitution, establishment of the three co-equal
branches of government, conduct of regular elections, and the development
of a free media, Unfortunately, it is a democracy that is still
perceived as essentially elitist in orientation. It is not far from
the elitist democracy that the Philippines had before martial rule.
This was the opinion of a new party in the 1987 election that assessed
its participation thus:
“The [1987 elections] exposed the deep and binding roots
of traditional politics in our political system.” 4
A 1994 assessment of the post-1986 elections also affirmed that:
“While rapid advances in information technology have
weakened political machines and clans… [these] are still dominant
forces in Philippine politics.” 5
The 1987 Constitution laid the ground for broadening Philippine
democracy—broadened even beyond the pre-martial law democracy.
It envisioned—and provided for—the right of suffrage
for overseas Filipinos, a system of direct people’s initiative
and referendum in lawmaking, the establishment of a party-list system
for marginalized and underrepresented sectors, autonomous regions
for Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras, local sectoral representation,
guarantee of opportunities for public service and prohibition of
political dynasties, recognition and participation of non-governmental
organizations in governance, and various human rights safeguards.
This is to enable the participation of the people, particularly
from the grassroots, in democratic governance and the electoral
process.
It also specified the various measures that need to be implemented
to ensure the holding of free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible
elections managed by a constitutional body—the Commission
on Elections. These include, among others, banning of religious
denominations and sects, violent groups, and foreign-supported groups,
the limiting of election spending, the establishment of a free and
open party system, and the accreditation of citizen arms.
The 1987 Constitution is significant in its attempt not only to
do away with the vestiges of dictatorial rule but also in its attempt
to correct the infirmities of the pre-martial law democracy.
Fifteen years after the constitution was ratified, only some of
these provisions have been implemented, with considerable weaknesses
in each case.
For example, the party-list law, RA 7941, resulted to only 14 and
5 seats in the 1998 and 2001 elections, out of more than 50 seats
available in the House of Representatives. Questions regarding the
credentials of many of the 162 party-list organizations hound the
process. The latter’s requirement of a two-percent threshold
in itself is also controversial, leading as it is to the inclusion
of only three party-list organizations.
There is no functioning autonomous government for the Cordilleras.
The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao remains a controversial
institution, despite two laws already passed on the matter.
The right of suffrage of the 7.38 million Filipinos living and
working abroad has not yet materialized because of stiff opposition
in the past Congresses.
Sectoral representation in local legislatures remains an empty
provision in both the Constitution and in the Local Government Code
as local governments oppose its implementation.
There is a current Omnibus Election Code of 1984. However, many
of its provisions are already obsolete and have been amended or
revised by later laws. In 1993, a set of omnibus amendments under
a new code authored by the Commission on Election under then Chairman
Christian Monsod were not passed by Congress.
Since then, only specific election laws were passed such as the
Continuing Registration Act, the Electoral Modernization Law, and
the Fair Election Law.
Bills implementing constitutional electoral reforms have always
been filed all through the 9th, 10th, and 11th congresses. These
again are filed with the 12th Congress.
Elections play a major, if not central role in the political life
of the nation. The exercise of the right of suffrage, in its fullest
meaning, means the difference between the broad-based democracy
that the people aspires for and the elitist democracy now in existence.
Electoral reforms necessarily play an important role in enabling
the broad participation of the people in the electoral process and
maintaining and enhancing the credibility of the whole exercise.
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1
This are the political demands of the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) and the National Democratic Front (NDF), respectively.
2
Peter Harris and Ben Reilly, eds. Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict:
Options for Negotiators, p. 136.
3
Narciso Reyes, Reflections on “People Power,” Issues In
Socio-Political Transformation in Asia and the Pacific, 1987, p. 161.
4 Draft Assessment
of Partido ng Bayan Participation in the Past 1987 Election, p. 2.
5 Joel Pagsanghan,
An Assessment of the Past Electoral Exercises, Popular Participation
in Electoral Reform and Governance, IPG, 1994, p. 20.
